Morewedge, C. K., Gilbert, D. T., Keysar, B., Berkovits, M. J., &Wilson, T. D. (2007). Mispredicting the hedonic benefits of segregated gains.

The hedonic benefit of a gain (e.g., receiving $100) may be increased by segregating it into smaller units that are distributed over time (e.g., receiving $50 on each of 2 days). However, if these units are too small (e.g., receiving 1 cent on each of 10,000 days), they may fall beneath the person’s hedonic limen and have no hedonic benefit at all. Do people know where their limens lie? In 6 experiments, participants predicted that the hedonic benefit of a large gain would be increased by segregating it into smaller units, and they were right; but participants also predicted that the hedonic benefit of a small gain would be increased by segregating it into smaller units, and they were wrong. Segregation of small gains decreased rather than increased hedonic benefit. These experiments suggest that people may underestimate the value of the hedonic limen and thus may oversegregate small gains. (

 

Morewedge, C. K., Gilbert, D. T., Keysar, B., Berkovits, M. J., & Wilson, T. D. (2007). Mispredicting the hedonic benefits of segregated gains. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 136(4), 700-709.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0096-3445.136.4.700                

Dunn, E. W., Biesanz, J. C., Human, L. J., &Finn, S. (2007). Misunderstanding the affective consequences of everyday social interactions: The hidden benefits of putting one& #39;s best face forward.

Positive self-presentation may have beneficial consequences for mood that are typically overlooked. Across a series of studies, participants underestimated how good they would feel in situations that required them to put their best face forward. In Studies 1 and 2A, participants underestimated the emotional benefits of interacting with an opposite sex stranger versus the benefits of interacting with a romantic partner. In Study 2B, participants who were instructed to engage in self-presentation felt happier after interacting with their romantic partner than participants who were not given this instruction, although other participants serving as forecasters did not anticipate such benefits. Increasing the generalizability of this self-presentation effect across contexts, the authors demonstrated that participants also underestimated how good they would feel before and after being evaluated by another person (Studies 3 and 4). This failure to recognize the affective benefits of putting one’s best face forward may underlie forecasting errors regarding the emotional consequences of the most common forms of social interactions.

 

 

Dunn, E. W., Biesanz, J. C., Human, L. J., &Finn, S. (2007). Misunderstanding the affective consequences of everyday social interactions: The hidden benefits of putting one’s best face forward. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92(6), 990-1005.

 

 

Aron, A., Norman, C. C., Aron, E. N., McKenna, C., &Heyman, R. E. (2000). Couples& #39; shared participation in novel and arousing activities and experienced relationship quality.

Using a newspaper questionnaire, a door-to-door survey, and 3 laboratory experiments, the authors examined a proposed effect of shared participation in novel and arousing activities on experienced relationship quality. The questionnaire and survey studies found predicted correlations of reported shared “exciting” activities and relationship satisfaction plus their predicted mediation by relationship boredom. In all 3 experiments, the authors found predicted greater increases in experienced relationship quality from before to after participating together in a 7-min novel and arousing (vs. a more mundane) task. Comparison with a no-activity control showed the effect was due to the novel-arousing task. The same effect was found on ratings of videotaped discussions before and after the experimental task. Finally, all results remained after controlling for relationship social desirability. Results bear on general issues of boredom and excitement in relationships and the role of such processes in understanding the typical early decline of relationship quality after the honeymoon period.

 

 

Aron, A., Norman, C. C., Aron, E. N., McKenna, C., & Heyman, R. E. (2000). Couples’ shared participation in novel and arousing activities and experienced relationship quality. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78(2), 273-284.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.78.2.273  

Rozin, P., Kabnick, K., Pete, E., Fischler, C., &Shields, C. (2003). The ecology of eating: smaller portion sizes in France than in the United States help explain the French paradox.

Part of the “French paradox” can be explained by the fact that the French eat less than Americans. We document that French portion sizes are smaller in comparable restaurants, in the sizes of individual portions of foods (but not other items) in supermarkets, in portions specified in cookbooks, and in the prominence of “all you can eat” restaurants in dining guides. We also present data, from observations at McDonald’s, that the French take longer to eat than Americans. Our results suggest that in the domain of eating, and more generally, more attention should be paid to ecological factors, even though their mechanism of operation is transparent, and hence less revealing of fundamental psychological processes. Ironically, although the French eat less than Americans, they seem to eat for a longer period of time, and hence have more food experience. The French can have their cake and eat it as well.

 

 

Rozin, P., Kabnick, K., Pete, E., Fischler, C., &Shields, C. (2003). The ecology of eating: smaller portion sizes in France than in the United States help explain the French paradox. Psychological science, 14(5), 450-454.

https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9280.02452

 

 

Kivetz, R., &Simonson, I. (2002). Earning the right to indulge: Effort as a determinant of customer preferences toward frequency program rewards.

Although frequency programs (FPs) have become ubiquitous in the marketplace and a key marketing-mix tool for promoting customer relationship and loyalty, little is known about the factors that determine how such programs are evaluated by consumers. The authors investigate the impact of the level of effort participants must invest to obtain the reward on the types of rewards they prefer and, consequently, on the decision to join the FP. In particular, the authors propose that higher required effort shifts consumer preferences from necessity to luxury rewards, because higher efforts reduce the guilt that is often associated with choosing luxuries over necessities. A series of studies with approximately 3100 consumers demonstrated that (1) higher program requirements shift preferences in favor of luxury rewards, (2) this effect is also observed when consumers choose between luxury and necessity rewards (of the same value) that they themselves proposed, and (3) the effect of program requirements on reward preferences is stronger among consumers who tend to feel guilty about luxury consumption and among those for whom the effort is invested in the context of work rather than pleasure. In addition, contrary to an alternative explanation based on the notion that higher requirements signal higher value of luxury rewards, the authors show that (1) when the program requirements are held constant but the individual consumer’s effort is higher, the shift in preference toward luxuries is still observed and (2) increasing the monetary cost of participating in the FP decreases consumer preferences for luxury rewards. The authors discuss the theoretical implications of this research and the practical implications with respect to the design, targeting, and promotion of FPs.

 

 

 

Kivetz, R., &Simonson, I. (2002). Earning the right to indulge: Effort as a determinant of customer preferences toward frequency program rewards. Journal of Marketing Research, 39(2), 155-170.

https://doi.org/10.1509/jmkr.39.2.155.19084

 

 

Xu, J., &Schwarz, N. (2009). Do we really need a reason to indulge?. Journal of Marketing Research, 46(1), 25-36.

The authors document consistent discrepancies among consumers’ predicted, actual, and remembered feelings related to indulgence episodes and conceptualize the underlying processes. Consistent with previous research, consumers expect more negative and less positive feelings when they indulge without a reason than when they indulge with a reason (Study 1) or when they indulge as a consolation for poor performance than when they indulge as a reward for high effort (Study 2). However, episodic reports pertaining to the last indulgence episode show no influence of having versus not having a reason (Study 1), nor do concurrent reports show a difference between indulging as a consolation and indulging as a reward (Study 2). When asked how they “usually” feel when indulging with versus without a reason (Study 3), consumers’ global memories are consistent with their expectations rather than with their actual experiences. These findings have implications for the conditions under which consumers learn from experience.

 

 

Xu, J., &Schwarz, N. (2009). Do we really need a reason to indulge?. Journal of Marketing Research, 46(1), 25-36.

https://doi.org/10.1509/jmkr.46.1.25

 

 

Hsee, C. K. (1999). Value seeking and prediction-decision inconsistency: Why don’t people take what they predict they’ll like the most?.Psychonomic Bulletin &Review, 6(4), 555-561.

In this research, it is proposed that, when making a choice between consumption goods, people do not just think about which option will deliver the highest consumption utility but also think about which choice is most consistent with rationales—beliefs about how they should make decisions. The present article examines a specific rationale, value seeking. The value-seeking rationale refers to the belief that one should choose the option in a choice set that has the highest monetary value. Studies 1 and 2 show that value seeking could lead to a prediction-decision inconsistency, predicting a high consumption utility from one option but choosing another option. Study 3 shows that the prediction-decision inconsistency could be created even by “illusory” (as opposed to truly monetary) values and that the inconsistency could be turned on or off through empirical manipulation.

 

 

Hsee, C. K. (1999). Value seeking and prediction-decision inconsistency: Why don’t people take what they predict they’ll like the most?.Psychonomic Bulletin &Review, 6(4), 555-561.

https://doi.org/10.3758/BF03212963

 

 

Kahneman, D., Krueger, A. B., Schkade, D., Schwarz, N., &Stone, A. A. (2006). Would you be happier if you were richer? A focusing illusion. science, 312(5782), 1908-1910.

The belief that high income is associated with good mood is widespread but mostly illusory. People with above-average income are relatively satisfied with their lives but are barely happier than others in moment-to-moment experience, tend to be more tense, and do not spend more time in particularly enjoyable activities. Moreover, the effect of income on life satisfaction seems to be transient. We argue that people exaggerate the contribution of income to happiness because they focus, in part, on conventional achievements when evaluating their life or the lives of others.

 

 

Kahneman, D., Krueger, A. B., Schkade, D., Schwarz, N., &Stone, A. A. (2006). Would you be happier if you were richer? A focusing illusion. science, 312(5782), 1908-1910.

DOI: 10.1126/science.1129688

 

 

Kasser, T., &Sheldon, K. M. (2009). Time affluence as a path toward personal happiness and ethical business practice: Empirical evidence from four studies. Journal of Business Ethics, 84(2), 243-255.

Many business practices focus on maximizing material affluence, or wealth, despite the fact that a growing empirical literature casts doubt on whether money can buy happiness. We therefore propose that businesses consider the possibility of “time affluence” as an alternative model for improving employee well-being and ethical business practice. Across four studies, results consistently showed that, even after controlling for material affluence, the experience of time affluence was positively related to subjective well-being. Studies 3 and 4 further demonstrated that the experience of mindfulness and the satisfaction of psychological needs partially mediated the positive associations between time affluence and well-being. Future research directions and implications for ethical business practices are discussed.

 

 

Kasser, T., &Sheldon, K. M. (2009). Time affluence as a path toward personal happiness and ethical business practice: Empirical evidence from four studies. Journal of Business Ethics, 84(2), 243-255.

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-008-9696-1