Osterloh, M., &Frey, B. (2003). Corporate governance for crooks? The case for corporate virtue. Corporate Governance and Firm Organization

Corporate scandals are reflected in excessive top management compensation and fraudulent accounts. These scandals cause an enormous amount of damage, not only to the companies affected, but also to the market economy as a whole. As a solution, conventional wisdom suggests more monitoring and sanctioning of management. We argue that these efforts will create a governance structure for crooks. Instead of solving the problem, they make it worse. Selfish extrinsic motivation is reinforced. We suggest measures which clash with conventional wisdom: selecting employees with pro-social intrinsic preferences, de-emphasizing variable pay for performance and strengthening the participation and self-governance of employees. These measures help to increase intrinsically motivated corporate virtue and honesty.

 

 

Osterloh, M., &Frey, B. (2003). Corporate governance for crooks? The case for corporate virtue. Corporate Governance and Firm Organization

http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.430062

 

 

Schwarze, J., &Winkelmann, R. (2005). What can happiness research tell us about altruism? Evidence from the German Socio-Economic Panel. Discussion Paper 1487, IZA (Institute for the Study of Labor).

Much progress has been made in recent years on developing and applying a direct measure of utility using survey questions on subjective well-being. In this paper we explore whether this new type of measurement can be fruitfully applied to the study of interdependent utility in general, and altruism between parents and children in particular. We introduce an appropriate econometric methodology and, using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel for the years 2000-2002, find that the parents’ self-reported happiness depends positively, albeit not very strongly, on the happiness of adult children who moved out.

 

 

Schwarze, J., &Winkelmann, R. (2005). What can happiness research tell us about altruism? Evidence from the German Socio-Economic Panel. Discussion Paper 1487, IZA (Institute for the Study of Labor).

https://ssrn.com/abstract=670165

 

 

Fehr, E., &Gächter, S. (1998). Reciprocity and economics: The economic implications of Homo Reciprocans1.European economic review, 42(3-5), 845-859.

A large number of studies suggest that reciprocity constitutes a basic motivational drive. This paper shows that reciprocity can account for a wide range of empirical phenomena: It (1) is a powerful effort elicitation device, (2) explains why employers refuse to hire underbidders and, hence, why wages are downwardly rigid, (3) gives rise to non-compensating wage differentials and to a positive correlation between profits and wages, (4) provides a rationale for the absence of explicit financial incentives, and (5) is a key force that sustains social norms.

 

 

Fehr, E., &Gächter, S. (1998). Reciprocity and economics: The economic implications of Homo Reciprocans1.European economic review, 42(3-5), 845-859.

https://doi.org/10.1016/S0014-2921(97)00131-1

 

 

Fehr, E., &Gächter, S. (2000). Fairness and retaliation: The economics of reciprocity. Journal of economic perspectives, 14(3), 159-181.

This paper shows that reciprocity has powerful implications for many economic domains. It is an important determinant in the enforcement of contracts and social norms and enhances the possibilities of collective action greatly. Reciprocity may render the provision of explicit incentive inefficient because the incentives may crowd out voluntary co-operation. It strongly limits the effects of competition in markets with incomplete contracts and gives rise to noncompetitive wage differences. Finally, reciprocity it is also a strong force contributing to the existence of incomplete contracts.

 

 

 

Fehr, E., &Gächter, S. (2000). Fairness and retaliation: The economics of reciprocity. Journal of economic perspectives, 14(3), 159-181.

DOI: 10.1257/jep.14.3.159 

Frey, B. S., &Stutzer, A. (2005). Beyond outcomes: measuring procedural utility. Oxford Economic Papers, 57(1), 90-111.

Abstract

People not only obtain utility from actual outcomes but also from the conditions which lead to these outcomes. The paper proposes an economic concept of this notion of procedural utility. Preferences beyond outcome can be manifold. We distinguish procedural utility people get from institutions as such, i.e., from how allocative and redistributive decisions are taken, procedural utility from activities towards which people have an intrinsic attitude and procedural utility from the way being treated in interaction with other people. In an empirical application, it is studied whether people gain procedural utility from participating in the political decision-making process itself, irrespective of the outcome. Utility is measured by individuals’ reported subjective well-being. We find that participation rights provide procedural utility in terms of a feeling of self-determination and influence. In contrast, actual participation and use of participation rights does not.

 

 

Frey, B. S., &Stutzer, A. (2005). Beyond outcomes: measuring procedural utility. Oxford Economic Papers, 57(1), 90-111.

https://doi.org/10.1093/oep/gpi002

 

 

Diener, E., &Seligman, M. E. (2004). Beyond money: Toward an economy of well-being. Psychological science in the public interest, 5(1), 1-31.

Policy decisions at the organizational, corporate, and governmental levels should be more heavily influenced by issues related to well-being—people’s evaluations and feelings about their lives. Domestic policy currently focuses heavily on economic outcomes, although economic indicators omit, and even mislead about, much of what society values. We show that economic indicators have many shortcomings, and that measures of well-being point to important conclusions that are not apparent from economic indicators alone. For example, although economic output has risen steeply over the past decades, there has been no rise in life satisfaction during this period, and there has been a substantial increase in depression and distrust. We argue that economic indicators were extremely important in the early stages of economic development, when the fulfillment of basic needs was the main issue. As societies grow wealthy, however, differences in well-being are less frequently due to income, and are more frequently due to factors such as social relationships and enjoyment at work.

 

Important noneconomic predictors of the average levels of well-being of societies include social capital, democratic governance, and human rights. In the workplace, noneconomic factors influence work satisfaction and profitability. It is therefore important that organizations, as well as nations, monitor the well-being of workers, and take steps to improve it.

 

Assessing the well-being of individuals with mental disorders casts light on policy problems that do not emerge from economic indicators. Mental disorders cause widespread suffering, and their impact is growing, especially in relation to the influence of medical disorders, which is declining. Although many studies now show that the suffering due to mental disorders can be alleviated by treatment, a large proportion of persons with mental disorders go untreated. Thus, a policy imperative is to offer treatment to more people with mental disorders, and more assistance to their caregivers.

 

Supportive, positive social relationships are necessary for well-being. There are data suggesting that well-being leads to good social relationships and does not merely follow from them. In addition, experimental evidence indicates that people suffer when they are ostracized from groups or have poor relationships in groups. The fact that strong social relationships are critical to well-being has many policy implications. For instance, corporations should carefully consider relocating employees because doing so can sever friendships and therefore be detrimental to well-being.

 

Desirable outcomes, even economic ones, are often caused by well-being rather than the other way around. People high in well-being later earn higher incomes and perform better at work than people who report low well-being. Happy workers are better organizational citizens, meaning that they help other people at work in various ways. Furthermore, people high in well-being seem to have better social relationships than people low in well-being. For example, they are more likely to get married, stay married, and have rewarding marriages. Finally, well-being is related to health and longevity, although the pathways linking these variables are far from fully understood. Thus, well-being not only is valuable because it feels good, but also is valuable because it has beneficial consequences. This fact makes national and corporate monitoring of well-being imperative.

 

In order to facilitate the use of well-being outcomes in shaping policy, we propose creating a national well-being index that systematically assesses key well-being variables for representative samples of the population. Variables measured should include positive and negative emotions, engagement, purpose and meaning, optimism and trust, and the broad construct of life satisfaction. A major problem with using current findings on well-being to guide policy is that they derive from diverse and incommensurable measures of different concepts, in a haphazard mix of respondents. Thus, current findings provide an interesting sample of policy-related findings, but are not strong enough to serve as the basis of policy. Periodic, systematic assessment of well-being will offer policymakers a much stronger set of findings to use in making policy decisions.

 

Our thesis is that well-being should become a primary focus of policymakers, and that its rigorous measurement is a primary policy imperative. Well-being, which we define as peoples’ positive evaluations of their lives, includes positive emotion, engagement, satisfaction, and meaning (Seligman, 2002). Although economics currently plays a central role in policy decisions because it is assumed that money increases well-being, we propose that well-being needs to be assessed more directly, because there are distressingly large, measurable slippages between economic indicators and well-being. In this report, we outline some of these and propose that well-being ought to be the ultimate goal around which economic, health, and social policies are built.

 

We also argue that current measurement of well-being is haphazard, with different studies assessing different concepts in different ways, and therefore that a more systematic approach to measurement is needed. We propose that a set of national indicators of well-being be adopted and review evidence showing that these indicators will reveal important information not contained in the economic indicators. Finally, we argue that national indicators of well-being are needed not only because well-being is an important outcome in itself, but also because well-being is so often a cause of other valued outcomes, such as worker productivity and rewarding relationships.

In reviewing the evidence for our propositions, we first describe research on the societal contributors to well-being. Although much more research is needed on the societal correlates of well-being, it is clear that rising income has yielded little additional benefit to well-being in prosperous nations, pointing to one limitation of economic indicators. We also review factors in the workplace that influence well-being at work, and show that well-being on the job in turn predicts positive work behaviors and perhaps profitability. Finally, we review evidence showing that supportive social relationships are essential to well-being. Well-being, in turn, has positive effects on social relationships, as well as mental and physical health.1 We begin our review by discussing the relation between economic indicators and well-being.

 

Diener, E., &Seligman, M. E. (2004). Beyond money: Toward an economy of well-being. Psychological science in the public interest, 5(1), 1-31.

https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0963-7214.2004.00501001.x

Ng, Y. K. (2003). From preference to happiness: Towards a more complete welfare economics. Social Choice and Welfare, 20(2), 307-350.

Welfare economics is incomplete as it analyzes preference without going on to analyze welfare (or happiness) which is the ultimate objective. Preference and welfare may differ due to imperfect knowledge, imperfect rationality, and/or a concern for the welfare of others (non-affective altruism). Imperfection in knowledge and rationality has a biological basis and the resulting accumulation instinct amplifies with advertising-fostered consumerism to result in a systematic materialistic bias, as supported by recent evidence on happiness and quality of life. Such a bias, in combination with relative-income effects, environmental disruption effects, and over-estimation of the excess burden of taxation, results in the over-spending on private consumption and under-provision of public goods, and may make economic growth welfare-reducing. A cost-benefit analysis aiming even just at preference maximization should offset the excess burden of financing for public projects by the indirect effect through the relative-income effect and by the environmental disruption effect. A cost-benefit analysis aiming at welfare maximization should, in addition, adjust the marginal consumption benefits of public projects upward by a proportion determined by the proportionate excess of marginal utility over marginal welfare of consumption. The environmental disruption effects have also to be similarly adjusted upward. However, the productive contributions of public projects should not be so adjusted.

 

 Welfare economics has achieved much, though still with long-standing weaknesses (e.g., the inability to make non-Pareto comparisons due to the unwillingness or difficulties in making interpersonal comparisons of cardinal utilities). It is not the intention of this paper either to survey the achievements or to remedy the weaknesses. Rather, it is argued that welfare economics is too narrow in focus and should be expanded in a number of aspects to make the analysis more complete and hence more useful. Some of the aspects discussed below have long been known but largely ignored in welfare economic analysis. Some are less well known and controversial points which are nevertheless important for welfare.

 

 

Ng, Y. K. (2003). From preference to happiness: Towards a more complete welfare economics. Social Choice and Welfare, 20(2), 307-350.

https://doi.org/10.1007/s003550200184

 

 

Sen, A. (1996). Rationality, joy and freedom. Critical Review, 10(4), 481-494.

In The Joyless Economy, Tibor Scitovsky proposes a model of human behavior that differs substantially from that of standard economic theory. Scitovsky begins with a basic distinction between “comfort” and “stimulation.” While stimulation is ultimately more satisfying and creative, we frequently fall for the bewitching attractions of comfort, which leads to impoverished lives. Scitovsky’s analysis has far‐reaching implications not only for the idea of rationality, but for the concept of utility (by making it plural in nature) and, perhaps most importantly, for the importance of freedom (including the freedom to change our preferences).

 

 

Sen, A. (1996). Rationality, joy and freedom. Critical Review, 10(4), 481-494.

https://doi.org/10.1080/08913819608443434

 

 

Diener, E., &Biswas-Diener, R. (2002). Will money increase subjective well-being?. Social indicators research, 57(2), 119-169.

Four replicable findings have emerged regarding the relation between income and subjective well-being (SWB): 1. There are large correlations between the wealth of nations and the mean reports of SWB in them, 2. There are mostly small correlations between income and SWB within nations, although these correlations appear to be larger in poor nations, and the risk of unhappiness is much higher for poor people, 3. Economic growth in the last decades in most economically developed societies has been accompanied by little rise in SWB, and increases in individual income lead to variable outcomes, and 4. People who prize material goals more than other values tend to be substantially less happy, unless they are rich. Thus, more money may enhance SWB when it means avoiding poverty and living in a developed nation, but income appears to increase SWB little over the long-term when more of it is gained by well-off individuals whose material desires rise with their incomes. Several major theories are compatible with most existing findings: A. The idea that income enhances SWB only insofar as it helps people meet their basic needs, and B. The idea that the relation between income and SWB depends on the amount of material desires that people’s income allows them to fulfill. We argue that the first explanation is a special case of the second one. A third explanation is relatively unresearched, the idea that societal norms for production and consumption are essential to understanding the SWB-income interface. In addition, it appears high SWB might increase people’s chances for high income. We review the open issues relating income to SWB, and describe the research methods needed to provide improved data that will better illuminate the psychological processes relating money to SWB.

 

 

Diener, E., &Biswas-Diener, R. (2002). Will money increase subjective well-being?. Social indicators research, 57(2), 119-169.

https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1014411319119