Davidson, R. J. (2003). Affective neuroscience and psychophysiology: Toward a synthesis. Psychophysiology, 40(5), 655-665.

 

This article reviews the author’s program of research on the neural substrates of emotion and affective style and their behavioral and peripheral biological correlates. Two core dimensions along which affect is organized are approach and withdrawal. Some of the key circuitry underlying approach and withdrawal components of emotion is reviewed with an emphasis on the role played by different sectors of the prefrontal cortex (PFC) and amygdala. Affective style refers to individual differences in valence‐specific features of emotional reactivity and regulation. The different parameters of affective style can be objectively measured using specific laboratory probes. Relations between individual differences in prefrontal and amygdala function and specific components of affective style are illustrated. The final section of the article concludes with a brief discussion of plasticity in the central circuitry of emotion and the possibility that this circuitry can be shaped by training experiences that might potentially promote a more resilient, positive affective style. The implications of this body of work for a broader conception of psychophysiology and for training the next generation of psychophysiologists are considered in the conclusion.

 

 

Davidson, R. J. (2003). Affective neuroscience and psychophysiology: Toward a synthesis. Psychophysiology, 40(5), 655-665.

https://doi.org/10.1111/1469-8986.00067

 

Graham, C., &Pettinato, S. (2002). Frustrated achievers: Winners, losers and subjective well-being in new market economies. Journal of Development Studies, 38(4), 100-140.

To date the literature on subjective well-being has focused on the developed economies. We provide empirical evidence from two emerging market countries, Peru and Russia. Our results – and in particular a strong negative skew in the assessments of the respondents with the greatest income gains – support the importance of relative rather than absolute income differences. Among other factors, we attribute our results to shifts in reference norms and to macroeconomic volatility. Relative differences seem to matter more for those in the middle of the distribution than for the very wealthy or the very poor. Our respondents were more critical in assessing their progress vis-à-vis others in their country versus those in their community. The large and consistent gap we find between objective income trends and the subjective assessments of the upwardly mobile may have implications for the future economic and political behaviour of a group that is critical to the sustainability of market policies.

 

 

Graham, C., &Pettinato, S. (2002). Frustrated achievers: Winners, losers and subjective well-being in new market economies. Journal of Development Studies, 38(4), 100-140.

https://doi.org/10.1080/00220380412331322431

 

Osterloh, M., &Frey, B. S. (2000). Motivation, knowledge transfer, and organizational forms. Organization science, 11(5), 538-550.

 

 Employees are motivated intrinsically as well as extrinsically. Intrinsic motivation is crucial when tacit knowledge in and between teams must be transferred. Organizational forms enable different kinds of motivation and have different capacities to generate and transfer tacit knowledge. Since knowledge generation and transfer are essential for a firm’s sustainable competitive advantage, we ask specifically what kinds of motivation are needed to generate and transfer tacit knowledge, as opposed to explicit knowledge.

 

 

 

Osterloh, M., &Frey, B. S. (2000). Motivation, knowledge transfer, and organizational forms. Organization science, 11(5), 538-550.

https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.11.5.538.15204

 

Frey, B. S., &Eichenberger, R. (1994). Economic incentives transform psychological anomalies. Journal of Economic Behavior &Organization, 23(2), 215-234.

 

People acting in an anomalous way can do better by reducing their anomalies, and clever people and firms can profit by exploiting anomalies. Due to these reactions, anomalies and their frequency are not exogenously given (as is assumed in the ‘psychological’ and the ‘axiomatic’ approaches) but are endogenous and influenced by social processes. The here proposed ‘incentive’ approach focuses on the conditions under which, on the one hand, anomalies can be created and strengthened, and on the other, anomalies can be avoided. Public policy measures which influence the amount of resources expended on anomalies are discussed.

 

 

Frey, B. S., &Eichenberger, R. (1994). Economic incentives transform psychological anomalies. Journal of Economic Behavior &Organization, 23(2), 215-234.

 

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Lucas, R. E., Diener, E., &Suh, E. (1996). Discriminant validity of well-being measures. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71(3), 616-628.

The convergent and discriminant validities of well-being concepts were examined using multitrait-multimethod matrix analyses (D. T. Campbell & D. W. Fiske, 1959) on 3 sets of data. In Study 1, participants completed measures of life satisfaction, positive affect, negative affect, self-esteem, and optimism on 2 occasions 4 weeks apart and also obtained 3 informant ratings. In Study 2, participants completed each of the 5 measures on 2 occasions 2 years apart and collected informant reports at Time 2. In Study 3, participants completed 2 different scales for each of the 5 constructs. Analyses showed that (a) life satisfaction is discriminable from positive and negative affect, (b) positive affect is discriminable from negative affect, (c) life satisfaction is discriminable from optimism and self-esteem, and (d) optimism is separable from trait measures of negative affect.

 

 

Lucas, R. E., Diener, E., &Suh, E. (1996). Discriminant validity of well-being measures. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71(3), 616-628.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.71.3.616

Ehrhardt, J. J., Saris, W. E., &Veenhoven, R. (2000). Stability of life-satisfaction over time. Journal of Happiness Studies, 1(2), 177-205.

This paper is about constancy of differences in life-satisfaction in society. It analyzes data of a large panel study in Germany, which involved yearly interviews between 1984 and 1994. Year-to-year correlation started at +0.45 and increased gradually to +0.54. The correlation between the first and later reports declined through the years, the correlation between the 1st and the 11th report was only +0.29.

 

Observed overtime correlation may result from six effects. Firstly, the correlation is attenuated by error: (1) common measurement error, such as haphazard responding, and (2) error in estimating general satisfaction due to passing uplifts and hassles. Both errors may shrink (3) as respondents become experienced in answering questions about life-satisfaction and (4) when they mature. Next, ‘true’ correlation will depend on: (5) major changes in life, such as job loss or getting married, and (6) stable stocks, such as personal capabilities and social relations. This paper develops models to untangle these effects.

 

The best fitting model suggests that almost half of the initial variance in life-satisfaction was due to error: 23% in responding (effect 1) and 19% in estimating one’s satisfaction with life (effect 2). In 10 years the error component shrinks by 10%, largely due to learning (effect 3) and partly due to aging (effect 4). In the end, life-changes explained 30% of the variance (effect 5) and stable stocks another 29% (effect 6).

 

These results mark a considerable mobility along the life-satisfaction ladder in a modern society: over a lifetime less than 30% of the original rank order in life-satisfaction will be left. That outcome is at odds with common theories of class and personality.

 

 

Ehrhardt, J. J., Saris, W. E., &Veenhoven, R. (2000). Stability of life-satisfaction over time. Journal of Happiness Studies, 1(2), 177-205.

https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1010084410679

 

Csikszentmihalyi, M., &Hunter, J. (2003). Happiness in everyday life: The uses of experience sampling. Journal of happiness studies, 4(2), 185-199.

 

This paper uses the Experience Sampling Method data drawn from a national sample of American youth. It examines the proximal environmental factors as well as behaviors and habits that correlate to personal happiness. Momentary-level scores show that reported happiness varies significantly both by day of week and time of day. Furthermore, particular activities are associated with varying degrees of happiness. School activities rate below average scores in happiness, while social, active and passive leisure activities are above average. Particular companions also correlate to differing level of happiness. Being alone rates the lowest levels of happiness, while being with friend corresponds to the highest. Person-level averages of happiness suggest that both higher social class and age correlate with lower levels of happiness, while gender and race do not. Paradoxically, youth who spend more time in school and social activities are happier than those who spend less. Unexpectedly, students who spend more time pleasure reading report lower levels of happiness. Finally, feeling good about the self, excited, proud, sociable, active as well as being in the conditions for flow experience are the strongest predictors of trait happiness.

 

 

Csikszentmihalyi, M., &Hunter, J. (2003). Happiness in everyday life: The uses of experience sampling. Journal of happiness studies, 4(2), 185-199.

https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1024409732742

 

Veenhoven, R. (1999). Quality-of-life in individualistic society. Social indicators research, 48(2), 159-188.

 

In the process of modernization, western societies became more individualistic. Ever since there have been claims that this development will create an unlivable society. Humans would need a Gemeinschaft and would wither in Gesellschaft. This classic idea lives in present day ‘communitarism’ and inspires pleas for the strengthening of moral bonds and preserving the welfare state. This paper reports an empirical test of the claim that quality-of-life is poor in individualized society. It compares 43 nations in the early 1990’s. Individualization is measured by three aspects: 1) moral appreciation of individualism, 2) opportunity to choose, and 3) capability to choose. Next overall individualization is measured by means of an expert-estimate. Quality-of-life in nations is measured by the citizen’s subjective appreciation of life as assessed in representative surveys.

 

The data show a clear positive relationship, the more individualized the nation, the more citizens enjoy their life. This suggests that the benefits of individualization are greater than its costs. Inspection of the scattergrams shows a linear relationship. There is no pattern of diminishing returns. This indicates that individualization has not yet passed its optimum. The relationship appears to be contingent to level of education and economic prosperity. Positive correlations appear only among the most knowledgeable and prosperous nations. This suggests that the misgivings about individualization apply more to the past than to the future.

 

 

 

Veenhoven, R. (1999). Quality-of-life in individualistic society. Social indicators research, 48(2), 159-188.

https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1006923418502